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GMAT阅读 07prep

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GMAT阅读 07prep

During the nineteenth century, occupational information about women that was provided by the United States census--a population count conducted each

decade--became more detailed and precise in response to social changes. Through 1840, simple enumeration by household mirrored a home-based agricultural economy and hierarchical social order: the head of the household (presumed male or absent) was specified by name,

whereas other household members were only indicated by the total number of persons counted in various categories, including occupational categories. Like farms, most

enterprises were family-run, so that the census measured economic activity as an attribute of the entire household, rather than of individuals.

The 1850 census, partly responding to antislavery and women's rights movements, initiated the collection of

specific information about each individual in a household. Not until 1870 was occupational information analyzed by gender: the census superintendent reported 1.8 million women employed outside the home in "gainful and

reputable occupations." In addition, he arbitrarily attributed to each family one woman "keeping house." Overlap between the two groups was not calculated until 1890, when the rapid entry of women into the paid labor force and social issues arising from industrialization were causing women's advocates and women statisticians to press for more thorough and accurate accounting of women's occupations and wages.

The primary purpose of the passage is to

(A) explain and critique the methods used by early statisticians

(B) compare and contrast a historical situation with a current-day one

(C) describe and explain a historical change

(D) discuss historical opposition to an established institution (E) trace the origin of a contemporary controversy

Question #2. 019-02 (21293-!-item-!-188;#058&000019-02)

Each of the following aspects of nineteenth-century United States censuses is mentioned in the passage EXCEPT the

(A) year in which data on occupations began to be analyzed by gender

(B) year in which specific information began to be collected on individuals in addition to the head of the household (C) year in which overlap between women employed outside the home and women keeping house was first calculated

(D) way in which the 1890 census measured women's income levels and educational backgrounds

(E) way in which household members were counted in the 1840 census

Question #3. 019-04 (21339-!-item-!-188;#058&000019-04)

The passage suggests which of the following about the

"women's advocates and women statisticians" mentioned in the highlighted text?

(A) They wanted to call attention to the lack of pay for women who worked in the home.

(B) They believed that previous census information was inadequate and did not reflect certain economic changes in the United States.

(C) They had begun to press for changes in census-taking methods as part of their participation in the antislavery movement.

(D) They thought that census statistics about women would be more accurate if more women were employed as census officials.

(E) They had conducted independent studies that disputed the official statistics provided by previous United States censuses.

The general density dependence model can be applied to explain the founding of specialist firms (those attempting to serve a narrow target market). According to this model, specialist foundings hinge on the interplay between legitimation and competitive forces, both of which are functions of the density (total number) of firms in a

particular specialist population. Legitimation occurs as a new type of firm moves from being viewed as unfamiliar to being viewed as a natural way to organize. At low density levels, each founding increases legitimation, reducing barriers to entry and easing subsequent foundings. Competition occurs because the resources that firms

seek--customers, suppliers, and employees--are limited, but as long as density is low relative to plentiful resources, the addition of another firm has a negligible impact on the intensity of competition. At high density levels, however, competitive effects outweigh legitimation effects, discouraging foundings. The more numerous the

competitors, the fiercer the competition will be and the

smaller will be the incentive for new firms to enter the field.

While several studies have found a significant

correspondence between the density dependence model and actual patterns of foundings, other studies have found patterns not consistent with the model. A possible

explanation for this inconsistency is that legitimation and competitive forces transcend national boundaries, while studies typically restrict their analysis to the national level. Thus a national-level analysis can understate the true legitimation and competitive forces as well as the number of foundings in an industry that is internationally integrated. Many industries are or are becoming international, and since media and information easily cross national borders, so should legitimation and its effects on overseas foundings. For example, if a type of firm becomes established in the United States, that information transcends borders, reduces uncertainties, and helps foundings of that type of firm in other countries. Even within national contexts, studies have found more support for the density dependence model when they employ broader geographic units of

analysis--for example, finding that the model's operation is seen more clearly at the state and national levels than at city levels.

According to the passage, which of the following may

account for the inconsistency between the general density dependence model and the evidence provided by certain studies of foundings?

(A) Such studies have overemphasized the impact of preexisting firms on the establishment of new firms.

(B) Such studies have not focused strongly enough on the role of competition among newly established firms operating at the city and state levels.

(C) Such studies fail to differentiate among specialist firms with regard to the degree to which they deviate from familiar forms of organization.

(D) Such studies have not taken into account the fact that many industries are internationally integrated.

(E) Such studies have neglected to investigate firms that attempt to serve only a narrow target market.

Question #5. 066-04 (21438-!-item-!-188;#058&000066-04)

In the second paragraph, the author is primarily concerned with

(A) noting various exceptions to a certain general finding (B) examining the impact of one type of industry on another

(C) proposing a possible explanation for an inconsistency (D) providing specific examples of a particular phenomenon (E) defending the validity of a particular study's conclusions

Question #6. 066-06 (21484-!-item-!-188;#058&000066-06)

The passage suggests that when a population of specialist firms reaches a high density level, which of the following is likely to occur?

(A) Foundings will decline despite legitimation that has occurred in these industries.

(B) Increasing competition will encourage many firms to broaden their target market.

(C) Competition for resources will become stabilized and thus foundings will be encouraged.

(D) Many customers will abandon their loyalty to older firms as more innovative firms enter the market.

(E) Firms will begin to cross national borders in an attempt to gain a competitive advantage.

Question #7. 066-08 (21530-!-item-!-188;#058&000066-08)

The primary purpose of the passage is to

(A) question the validity of an economic model

(B) point out some inconsistencies within an economic model

(C) outline an economic model and suggest revisions to it

(D) describe an economic model and provide specific examples to illustrate its use

(E) explain why an economic model remains valid despite inconsistent research results

In its 1903 decision in the case of Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, the United States Supreme Court rejected the efforts of three Native American tribes to prevent the opening of

tribal lands to non-Indian settlement without tribal consent. In his study of the Lone Wolf case, Blue Clark properly emphasizes the Court's assertion of a virtually unlimited unilateral power of Congress (the House of Representatives and the Senate) over Native American affairs. But he fails to note the decision's more far-reaching impact: shortly after Lone Wolf, the federal government totally abandoned negotiation and execution of formal written agreements with Indian tribes as a prerequisite for the implementation of federal Indian policy. Many commentators believe that this change had already occurred in 1871 when--following a dispute between the House and the Senate over which chamber should enjoy primacy in Indian affairs--Congress abolished the making of treaties with Native American tribes. But in reality the federal government continued to negotiate formal tribal agreements past the turn of the century, treating these documents not as treaties with sovereign nations requiring ratification by the Senate but simply as legislation to be passed by both houses of Congress. The Lone Wolf decision ended this era of formal negotiation and finally did away with what had

increasingly become the empty formality of obtaining tribal consent.

According to the passage, the congressional action of 1871 had which of the following effects?

(A) Native American tribal agreements were treated as legislation that had to be passed by both houses of Congress.

(B) The number of formal agreements negotiated between the federal government and Native American tribes decreased.

(C) The procedures for congressional approval and

implementation of federal Indian policy were made more precise.

(D) It became more difficult for Congress to exercise unilateral authority over Native American affairs.

(E) The role of Congress in the ratification of treaties with sovereign nations was eventually undermined.

Question #9. 075-06 (21627-!-item-!-188;#058&000075-06)

According to the passage, which of the following resulted from the Lone Wolf decision?

(A) The Supreme Court took on a greater role in Native American affairs.

(B) Native American tribes lost their legal standing as sovereign nations in their dealings with the federal government, but their ownership of tribal lands was confirmed.

(C) The federal government no longer needed to conclude a formal agreement with a Native American tribe in order to carry out policy decisions that affected the tribe.

(D) The federal government began to appropriate tribal lands for distribution to non-Indian settlers.

(E) Native American tribes were no longer able to challenge congressional actions by appealing to the Supreme Court.

Question #10. 075-07 (21673-!-item-!-188;#058&000075-07)

The author of the passage is primarily concerned with

(A) identifying similarities in two different theories (B) evaluating a work of scholarship

(C) analyzing the significance of a historical event (D) debunking a revisionist interpretation

(E) exploring the relationship between law and social reality

Some historians contend that conditions in the United States during the Second World War gave rise to a dynamic wartime alliance between trade unions and the African American community, an alliance that advanced the cause of civil rights. They conclude that the postwar demise of this vital alliance constituted a lost opportunity for the civil rights movement that followed the war. Other scholars, however, have portrayed organized labor as defending all along the relatively privileged position of White workers relative to African American workers. Clearly, these two perspectives are not easily reconcilable, but the historical reality is not reducible to one or the other.

Unions faced a choice between either maintaining the

prewar status quo or promoting a more inclusive approach that sought for all members the right to participate in the internal affairs of unions, access to skilled and high-paying positions within the occupational hierarchy, and protection against management's arbitrary authority in the workplace. While union representatives often voiced this inclusive ideal, in practice unions far more often favored entrenched

interests. The accelerating development of the civil rights movement following the Second World War exacerbated the unions' dilemma, forcing trade unionists to confront contradictions in their own practices.

The "unions' dilemma" mentioned in the highlighted text can best be described as the question of whether or not to

(A) pressure management to create more skilled and high-paying positions

(B) fight for greater union participation in management decisions

(C) include minority workers in their membership

(D) extend full rights and benefits to all their members (E) emphasize the recruitment of new members over serving the needs of current members

Question #12. 094-02 (21772-!-item-!-188;#058&000094-02)

According to the passage, the historians mentioned in the first highlighted portion of text and the scholars mentioned in the second highlighted portion disagree about the

(A) contribution made by organized labor to the war effort during the Second World War

(B) issues that union members considered most important during the Second World War

(C) relationship between unions and African Americans during the Second World War

(D) effect of the Second World War on the influence of unions in the workplace

(E) extent to which African Americans benefited from social and political changes following the Second World War

Question #13. 094-06 (21818-!-item-!-188;#058&000094-06)

The passage is primarily concerned with

(A) providing a context within which to evaluate opposing viewpoints about a historical phenomenon

(B) identifying a flawed assumption underlying one interpretation of a historical phenomenon

(C) assessing the merits and weaknesses of a controversial theory about a historical phenomenon

(D) discussing the historical importance of the development of a wartime alliance

(E) evaluating evidence used to support a particular interpretation of a historical phenomenon

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